He has administered the shock treatment to the political establishment, made his statement of intent clear and won the vote of confidence, now it is time for Arvind Kejriwal to be chief minister, a good one. This might prove much more difficult than being an activist or the leader of a noisy protest movement. Henceforth, he would be under scrutiny all the time and evaluated only by what he delivers. He would be responsible for the actions of his ministers and team of legislators. He would make powerful enemies across the spectrum and expose himself to political ambush. It's not easy being a chief minister.
The transition to the new role, from activist to administrator, is a difficult process. In Kejriwal's case, the rebel has to turn the establishment quickly. He has to become part of the system he has been fighting and rejecting all along. In his new incarnation he can hardly afford to be a force of disruption, alienating the entire machinery he is supposed to work with. He has to bring change and ensure continuity too. He has to fight corruption in offices, but he has to ensure that the well-entrenched nexuses of corrupt people don't hold governance to ransom. Being anti-politics is okay, but being anti-pragmatic is not.
PTI
The promises he has made to people – 17 in all going by his speech in Delhi assembly on Thursday – appear extravagant. Many of them, specifically those on power tariff and water, seem devoid of any economic sense. The AAP's version of the Jan Lokpal may turn out to be a massive witch-hunting machinery. Too much voice to people in decision-making may end up killing ideas that are useful but ahead of time. However, let's give to Kejriwal and his team. They have surprised us so often in the past that if they do so again by providing a competent government it won't surprise anyone any more.
There are reasons to believe that governance is not the priority for the party at this point. With the parliamentary elections only months away and its government unstable the AAP looks more focussed on consolidating and expanding its voter base. The party is aware that the Congress support might go any time. Once the government decides to pursue cases against members of the previous Sheila Dikshit government or the party decides to field a candidate against Rahul Gandhi in Amethi or Sonia Gandhi in Rae Barelli, it cannot expect the Congress to continue extending support to it. The possibility of such a situation gives the AAP only a few months in power.
So, from the party's point of view, it is strategically wiser to consolidate the gains of the December 4 election. Before the polls, the party had worked hard among all sections of people but being a first-timer was unsure of the size and nature of its support base. Now that it has a clearer idea, it can address the base directly, not only in Delhi but also in other states where the party is planning to take the electoral plunge. If it fulfils all its poll promises, including action against 'corrupt' Congress leaders, it would emerge with its morale high and public appreciation intact even if the government collapses. The concern over the economic viability of the promises can wait.
But at some point Kejriwal has to get down to serious work. His continuing uncompromising position on corruption is alright, but it cannot be the sole agenda of his party. Governance is much bigger than corruption and people want a lot other existential issues to be handled by the government too. Of course, he has to prove that the middle class is not about empty noise and anger only, it can actually deliver when left to handle responsibility.
But we can trust Kejriwal to make a smooth transition from the role of activist to that of administrator. He has not disappointed us so far.
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