Arvind Kejriwal's supporters want him to concentrate on the Lok Sabha elections. But they worry the AAP has very little time to prepare for May 2014. They fear that the party's message may not travel far and wide in such little time.
But, if there is one gesture, one act of derring-do that can establish his party as a force to reckon with in the polls in no time, it is this: Kejriwal's candidature against Narendra Modi.
Just as he contested the Vidhan Sabha polls against Sheila Dixit, the Delhi CM should now announce that his next adversary is Modi. If Modi contests from Gujarat, Kejriwal should challenge him there; if the BJP leader decides to step out of his den and fight from Varanasi, the AAP should follow him right down to the last ghat.
The events in Delhi have changed the direction of India's politics. Thousands of people in every corner of India want the AAP to contest the Lok Sabha polls. But they are not sure if Kejriwal is willing to fight the bigger battle.
AFP
If Kejriwal decides to challenge Modi, his audacious gamble would not only galvanize his party's cadres, it would catch the fancy of the entire nation. At the moment, Modi seems to be far ahead of other contenders in the race to Delhi. His dominance, his stature and the spectre of his likely win have demoralized Modi's opponents, not only in politics but also among voters. But Kejriwal's entry would bring the election alive. The AAP leader could become a rallying point for all those who are opposed to Modi but have gone quiet because the current alternatives look scarier.
Symbolism has played a huge role in Indian politics. From Mahatma Gandhi's Dandi march to Kejriwal's jhadoo, Indians have always responded to the bigger messages embedded in small gestures. In electoral politics, the constituencies chosen by leaders have had a huge impact on the course of an election. VP Singh, for instance, began his political journey against Rajiv Gandhi's 'corrupt' government by contesting the by-election from Allahabad, after it was vacated by Amitabh Bachchan in the aftermath of the Bofors controversy. Decades later, Sushma Swaraj chased Sonia Gandhi right down to Bellary for a symbolic clash between Indian and videshi bahu. The time could be just right for Kejriwal to repay the tribute.
Kejriwal would have realized by now the Congress has thrown in the towel. Kumar Vishwas challenging Rahul Gandhi in Amethi could have been read as an act of the Aam Aadmi's revolt against the symbol of power, the establishment. But, everybody knows that Rahul has been replaced by Modi as the emblem of establishment in India. Giving too much importance to the battle against the beleaguered, handicapped Congress will not help Kejriwal. It is by fighting against Modi and Modi alone that the AAP can rise in public esteem in limited time and become a viable option for those willing to look beyond Modi.
Ironically, Modi could also benefit if Kejriwal contests against him. In case Kejriwal fails to consolidate the anti-Modi vote, the BJP would gain immensely because of a two-way split. But that would be the short-term gain. There will be a long-term advantage of the Modi-Kejriwal battle. It could settle the war between two contrasting political ideologies and personalities once and for all.
So far, the Congress and the BJP have not been too different in their approach to governance. They have been each other's replacements, not alternatives. But the AAP has forced a debate on not only how a government should function but also on how politicians should act and behave in public life. It has forced a rethink on the dharma of politicians and the Raj dharma of governments. For the first time since Independence, voters have a real alternative.
In terms of personalities, both Kejriwal and Modi are completely different from each other. They represent diametrically opposite views on almost everything. The debate between ideologies and personalities had not taken off in India so far because we had no clear idea of what Rahul represents. But both Kejriwal and Modi, just like their brand of politics, are clearly defined concepts.
The enormous buzz created by a quasi presidential Modi-Kejriwal contest and the resultant media attention would give Modi the opportunity to clearly outline his right-of-centre philosophy against Kejriwal's leftist leanings. Instead of harping over his dream of a Congress-mukt Bharat, it would draw him into a more constructive debate on his idea of India when compared with the AAP's political values.
The problem with people today is that most of them are torn between Modi and Kejriwal. Some of them don't want either of them fail. But this uncertainty is primarily because both have not attacked each other's personalities and policies so far. Once that happens, once the debate shifts to AAP vs BJP and Modi vs Kejriwal, it would help most of these undecided voters make up their mind decisively. They would know who to vote for and why.
Modibhakts, obviously, would start jumping up and down at the thought of their leader having to face an upstart in the Lok Sabha polls. Most of them would rush to declare Kejriwal a novice, a lightweight and raucously announce the AAP leader is a fly their hero would squish within NaMo-seconds.
But, being the chest-thumping, challenge-loving, war-ready man he is, Modi would prefer taking on Kejriwal than trampling upon a 10 Janpath nominee. Nothing would satisfy Modi's ego more than the opportunity of beating the man who is threatening to replace him as young, urban India's savior.
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