Tuesday, February 25, 2014

Chidambaram is the 4.8 percent growth minister: Yashwant Sinha

Chennai: Days after Narendra Modi's barb of "recounting minister" targeting Union Finance Minister P Chidambaram, another senior BJP leader today hit out at him over handling of the economy and dubbing him "4.8 percent growth Minister".

"Whenever he took over (reins of Finance Ministry), there had been dip in the country's growth rate," former finance Minister Yashwant Sinha said without naming Chidambaram, adding his "arrogance had no limits."

AFP

AFP

Addressing a meeting on the current state of affairs organised here by BJP, Sinha, also a former Finance Minister, said country's growth rate had plummeted from over eight percent to less than five per cent when BJP took over in 1999. The NDA Government had to pull back the economy battling many challenges.

When the Vajpayee Government demitted office in 2004, the growth rate was 8.4 per cent but now it had slid back to 4.5 percent and 4.8 percent, he said.

"The great Finance Minister is not only a recounting minister (as dubbed by Modi). He is also a 4.8 percent growth minister. Because if you put him in the Finance Ministry the growth rate will come down," Sinha said recalling Chidambaram's earlier tenure as Finance Minister.

Modi during a rally here earlier this month had made the remark in an apparent reference to Chidambaram's victory in the 2009 Lok Sabha polls after a recount of votes.

Referring to Chidambaram as "just a distinguished gentleman" from Tamil Nadu who heads the Finance Ministry, Sinha said "his arrogance has no limit."

He can neither win from any of the Lok Sabha 40 seats in Tamil Nadu and Puducherry nor from any other constituency in the country, Sinha claimed.

He criticised Chidambaram for reducing the plan size in the current year thus taking credit for bringing down fiscal deficit.

He also took a dig at the Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, saying he seemed to have come "straight out of Madame Tussads wax museum (in London)" as he did not even show any emotion during the Telangana debate in Parliament.

Questioning Singh on his insistance in going ahead with the Indo-US neclear deal, Sinha, a former External Affairs Minister, sought to know "how may mega watts of nuclear power had been added as result of that effort."

Sinha also said that unlike the BJP led NDA regime, the UPA Government was not handling relations with Sri Lanka properly.

If his party under Modi was voted back to power, solutions would be found to the satisfaction of both Sri Lankan Tamils and Indian fishermen, he maintained.

PTI


Centre working to give minimum rights to Northeast people: Rahul

Diphu (Assam): Amid demands for enacting an anti-racism law to protect the rights of people from the Northeast, Rahul Gandhi on Tuesday said the Centre is working towards giving certain minimum rights and security to people of the region who are now settled all over India.

Congress Vice President Rahul Gandhi. PTI

Congress Vice President Rahul Gandhi. PTI

"You should not only be having these rights in places you belong to like Meghalaya, Tripura and Assam but in the whole of India," Gandhi said as he interacted with tribal leaders in Diphu.

The interaction also saw the participants raising the issue of the death of Arunachal Pradesh youth Nido Taniam after being allegedly beaten up by some shopkeepers in the national capital some time back.

Acknowledging that there is discrimination against students from Northeast, Gandhi said, "We, at the Centre, are working towards giving certain minimum rights and security to people that one should have in the whole of India. You should not only be having these rights in the places you belong to like Meghalaya, Tripura and Assam but in the whole of India."

During the interaction, Gandhi spoke at length on the issue of corruption and made a strong pitch for opening up the processes in the political system as a solution to it.

The Congress Vice President reiterated his resolve to replicate the Primary System of choosing candidates with the collective decision of party workers in a particular region if the pilot project of holding it in 15-16 Parliamentary seats this election bore fruit.

"Opposition talks about corruption but the most powerful and historical instrument against it in form of RTI was given by our government. What was done in closed doors by bureaucrats can be known by any common citizen by filing RTI.

"When people talk about corruption it is because only a few people have power centralised in them. We want to open this decision making process," he said.

Gandhi said decision-making is confined to few and at best it is the 4500 MLAs and 800 MPs, who enact all laws.

He noted that there has been a complaint for a long time that one family or one individual keeps getting tickets.

"This is the situation which you feel bad about... Decision making about ticket distribution is highly centralised as very few people take decisions on distribution of tickets...Power is centralised. In future we will not give one person or one family the ticket but we will ask you to distribute tickets..

"We are holding primaries. We have held it now in 15-16 places but we want to take it in all constituencies and this is something, which no other party is doing... With this (primaries), all party workers would be involved in candidate selection and you will feel that it is your candidate," Gandhi said.

PTI


Mr Kejriwal, despite UPA’s corruption, India needs capitalism

There is a reason that Arvind Kejriwal is opening a new front in his war against corruption. It has been easy for him to bash the guilty Congress on the issue of graft but it hasn't been as easy to make a dent on Narendra Modi - his other rival on the national stage - who is widely believed to be not corrupt. Crony capitalism, the theme of Kejriwal's latest angst against the 'system', is somewhat different. The fact is that anyone who has governed any part of India in the last decade can stand accused of fostering crony capitalism if the latter is defined simply as the use of taxpayers' money, or money that belongs to the coffers of Government, to finance corporate profit. And if India wants to grow at near double digits in the near future, this 'cronyism' must continue.

AAP Arvi

Arvind Kejriwal

The Reliance gas price issue gets Kejriwal easy headlines. Let us assume for the sake of argument that he is right -- that Government fixing the prices of gas to further Mr Ambani's private profit is crony capitalism. The solution to this problem is very simple. But it isn't one that Kejriwal is offering. The Government can simply stop fixing the price of gas and let the forces of demand and supply settle the price. The only catch is that the price may end up being higher than the Government-mandated rise, but equally it could be lower. Either way, there is no crony capitalism when the market sets prices.

Beyond the headlines, the real problem of crony capitalism lies elsewhere, most notably in public-private partnerships in the building of infrastructure - whether roads, airports, ports or schools and hospitals. India needs massive investment in its infrastructure sector - by the Planning Commission's estimate $1 trillion between 2012 and 2017. The nature of the infrastructure business is such - high capital requirements, high risk, no immediate returns -- that it doesn't lend itself easily to private sector participation. And India has tried and failed with Government delivery of vital infrastructure.

What is clear is that the private sector in India is far superior at delivering good outcomes, but the Government is the only institution which has the money to finance (or at least part-finance) infrastructure projects on a large scale.

Kejriwal loves to rail against Gautam Adani for his 'links' with Modi, but can Mr Kejriwal deny that Adani runs India's most efficient port (Mundra in Gujarat), several times more competitive than its public sector counterparts? Kejriwal can target Ambani all he wants but can he deny that Reliance runs India's most efficient, globally competitive, refinery? Kejriwal would rather see the crony before the capitalist, but can he deny that some of India's major successes in infrastructure have been delivered by the likes of Adani and Ambani even if with the helping hand of the Government?

It is important to recognize, and Kejriwal does not, that there is a difference between public-private partnerships where politicians make personal pecuniary gains and ones were taxpayers' money funds private profit but doesn't line political pockets. India can do without the former, but desperately needs the latter.

It is unreasonable to expect the private sector not to operate for profit. And it is unreasonable to expect that an inefficient Government alone will suddenly reform itself and deliver the infrastructure that India needs. Most late industrializing countries, particularly in East Asia, have grown rapidly on the back of taxpayer-supported private companies. India needs to use private participation in not just roads and airports but in schools and hospitals, and the Government needs to pay for it.

The UPA, because of its brazen corruption, has given a bad name to the basic notion of Government supporting private companies. Any Government must devise more transparent methods before it supports private companies. For example, no PPP policy should explicitly favour a single company (that's when the wrong kind of cronyism takes roots) but should instead offer a level-playing field for any qualified company to bid for a project. Also, the goals of Government policy should be made clear - despite 2G and Coalgate, a credible Government should still argue the case for some taxpayer subsidy to private companies in the larger national interest.

Unfortunately, if the UPA sits at one extreme on crony capitalism, Kejriwal and AAP sit at the other. India cannot escape the reality of taxpayers' financing some corporate profit unless it wants to live in Kejriwal's utopia, which delivers a complete separation of the Government and the private sector but delivers no growth and no jobs. For the sake of prosperity, India could do with some cronies.


Mr Kejriwal, Despite UPA’s corruption, India needs capitalism

There is a reason that Arvind Kejriwal is opening a new front in his war against corruption. It has been easy for him to bash the guilty Congress on the issue of graft but it hasn't been as easy to make a dent on Narendra Modi - his other rival on the national stage - who is widely believed to be not corrupt. Crony capitalism, the theme of Kejriwal's latest angst against the 'system', is somewhat different. The fact is that anyone who has governed any part of India in the last decade can stand accused of fostering crony capitalism if the latter is defined simply as the use of taxpayers' money, or money that belongs to the coffers of Government, to finance corporate profit. And if India wants to grow at near double digits in the near future, this 'cronyism' must continue.

AAP Arvi

Arvind Kejriwal

The Reliance gas price issue gets Kejriwal easy headlines. Let us assume for the sake of argument that he is right -- that Government fixing the prices of gas to further Mr Ambani's private profit is crony capitalism. The solution to this problem is very simple. But it isn't one that Kejriwal is offering. The Government can simply stop fixing the price of gas and let the forces of demand and supply settle the price. The only catch is that the price may end up being higher than the Government-mandated rise, but equally it could be lower. Either way, there is no crony capitalism when the market sets prices.

Beyond the headlines, the real problem of crony capitalism lies elsewhere, most notably in public-private partnerships in the building of infrastructure - whether roads, airports, ports or schools and hospitals. India needs massive investment in its infrastructure sector - by the Planning Commission's estimate $1 trillion between 2012 and 2017. The nature of the infrastructure business is such - high capital requirements, high risk, no immediate returns -- that it doesn't lend itself easily to private sector participation. And India has tried and failed with Government delivery of vital infrastructure.

What is clear is that the private sector in India is far superior at delivering good outcomes, but the Government is the only institution which has the money to finance (or at least part-finance) infrastructure projects on a large scale.

Kejriwal loves to rail against Gautam Adani for his 'links' with Modi, but can Mr Kejriwal deny that Adani runs India's most efficient port (Mundra in Gujarat), several times more competitive than its public sector counterparts? Kejriwal can target Ambani all he wants but can he deny that Reliance runs India's most efficient, globally competitive, refinery? Kejriwal would rather see the crony before the capitalist, but can he deny that some of India's major successes in infrastructure have been delivered by the likes of Adani and Ambani even if with the helping hand of the Government?

It is important to recognize, and Kejriwal does not, that there is a difference between public-private partnerships where politicians make personal pecuniary gains and ones were taxpayers' money funds private profit but doesn't line political pockets. India can do without the former, but desperately needs the latter.

It is unreasonable to expect the private sector not to operate for profit. And it is unreasonable to expect that an inefficient Government alone will suddenly reform itself and deliver the infrastructure that India needs. Most late industrializing countries, particularly in East Asia, have grown rapidly on the back of taxpayer-supported private companies. India needs to use private participation in not just roads and airports but in schools and hospitals, and the Government needs to pay for it.

The UPA, because of its brazen corruption, has given a bad name to the basic notion of Government supporting private companies. Any Government must devise more transparent methods before it supports private companies. For example, no PPP policy should explicitly favour a single company (that's when the wrong kind of cronyism takes roots) but should instead offer a level-playing field for any qualified company to bid for a project. Also, the goals of Government policy should be made clear - despite 2G and Coalgate, a credible Government should still argue the case for some taxpayer subsidy to private companies in the larger national interest.

Unfortunately, if the UPA sits at one extreme on crony capitalism, Kejriwal and AAP sit at the other. India cannot escape the reality of taxpayers' financing some corporate profit unless it wants to live in Kejriwal's utopia, which delivers a complete separation of the Government and the private sector but delivers no growth and no jobs. For the sake of prosperity, India could do with some cronies.


Mr Kejriwal, Despite UPA’s corruption, India still needs capitalism

There is a reason that Arvind Kejriwal is opening a new front in his war against corruption. It has been easy for him to bash the guilty Congress on the issue of graft but it hasn't been as easy to make a dent on Narendra Modi - his other rival on the national stage - who is widely believed to be not corrupt. Crony capitalism, the theme of Kejriwal's latest angst against the 'system', is somewhat different. The fact is that anyone who has governed any part of India in the last decade can stand accused of fostering crony capitalism if the latter is defined simply as the use of taxpayers' money, or money that belongs to the coffers of Government, to finance corporate profit. And if India wants to grow at near double digits in the near future, this 'cronyism' must continue.

AAP Arvi

Arvind Kejriwal

The Reliance gas price issue gets Kejriwal easy headlines. Let us assume for the sake of argument that he is right -- that Government fixing the prices of gas to further Mr Ambani's private profit is crony capitalism. The solution to this problem is very simple. But it isn't one that Kejriwal is offering. The Government can simply stop fixing the price of gas and let the forces of demand and supply settle the price. The only catch is that the price may end up being higher than the Government-mandated rise, but equally it could be lower. Either way, there is no crony capitalism when the market sets prices.

Beyond the headlines, the real problem of crony capitalism lies elsewhere, most notably in public-private partnerships in the building of infrastructure - whether roads, airports, ports or schools and hospitals. India needs massive investment in its infrastructure sector - by the Planning Commission's estimate $1 trillion between 2012 and 2017. The nature of the infrastructure business is such - high capital requirements, high risk, no immediate returns -- that it doesn't lend itself easily to private sector participation. And India has tried and failed with Government delivery of vital infrastructure.

What is clear is that the private sector in India is far superior at delivering good outcomes, but the Government is the only institution which has the money to finance (or at least part-finance) infrastructure projects on a large scale.

Kejriwal loves to rail against Gautam Adani for his 'links' with Modi, but can Mr Kejriwal deny that Adani runs India's most efficient port (Mundra in Gujarat), several times more competitive than its public sector counterparts? Kejriwal can target Ambani all he wants but can he deny that Reliance runs India's most efficient, globally competitive, refinery? Kejriwal would rather see the crony before the capitalist, but can he deny that some of India's major successes in infrastructure have been delivered by the likes of Adani and Ambani even if with the helping hand of the Government?

It is important to recognize, and Kejriwal does not, that there is a difference between public-private partnerships where politicians make personal pecuniary gains and ones were taxpayers' money funds private profit but doesn't line political pockets. India can do without the former, but desperately needs the latter.

It is unreasonable to expect the private sector not to operate for profit. And it is unreasonable to expect that an inefficient Government alone will suddenly reform itself and deliver the infrastructure that India needs. Most late industrializing countries, particularly in East Asia, have grown rapidly on the back of taxpayer-supported private companies. India needs to use private participation in not just roads and airports but in schools and hospitals, and the Government needs to pay for it.

The UPA, because of its brazen corruption, has given a bad name to the basic notion of Government supporting private companies. Any Government must devise more transparent methods before it supports private companies. For example, no PPP policy should explicitly favour a single company (that's when the wrong kind of cronyism takes roots) but should instead offer a level-playing field for any qualified company to bid for a project. Also, the goals of Government policy should be made clear - despite 2G and Coalgate, a credible Government should still argue the case for some taxpayer subsidy to private companies in the larger national interest.

Unfortunately, if the UPA sits at one extreme on crony capitalism, Kejriwal and AAP sit at the other. India cannot escape the reality of taxpayers' financing some corporate profit unless it wants to live in Kejriwal's utopia, which delivers a complete separation of the Government and the private sector but delivers no growth and no jobs. For the sake of prosperity, India could do with some cronies.


Free speech: Why Rahul, Modi, Kejriwal are worse than Shinde

"We will crush such elements in the electronic media, which are indulging in false propaganda," declared our zealous Home Minister Sushil Kumar Shinde in a rousing speech to party minions. When the inevitable brouhaha ensued, he backtracked into yet more trouble by claiming we'd missed the "social" in his media comments. It is netizens who will face the rightful wrath of Shinde, not us grimy press club types.

Shinde's clarification though does in fact clarify his position, i.e. he is opposed to free expression irrespective of source. It's a worldview he shares in common with the other card-carrying members of the political class. Quick: Name one leading politician who is committed to the right to free speech… Right! And here's the really bad news: each of the prime ministerial aspirants in 2014 -- minor or major -- has a dismal record on free speech. A look at their history reveals a far grimmer truth than Shinde's misquotes.

Regional despots unite

Our main three PM contenders have a spotty attitude on free speech

Our main three PM contenders have a spotty attitude on free speech

Let's start with Jayalalithaa who squelched an unauthorized biography (also published by Penguin) with greater ease and relatively little attention back in 2012 thanks to a Madras sessions court verdict, which was never challenged.  "Penguin went silent and there has been no direct contact with the publisher after that. More shocking and painful was the silence of the media, English and Tamil, in Tamil Nadu. The matter never crossed the borders of the state: if it did, there was no sign of it," wrote its author Vaasanthi. But such silence is routine in a state notorious for -- as The Economist puts it -- arrests of opponents, censorship, and defamation suits. In fact, Tamil Nadu leaders are far ahead of the likes of Shinde. When the electronic media is flat out owned (Sun, Kalaignar, Jaya) by political parties, its leaders have no need to "crush" it.

The other regional aspirant, Nitish Kumar, fielded as a kinder, gentler rival to Narendra Modi, was dubbed the "editor in chief of Bihar" in an Open magazine article on the unprecedented crackdown on Bihar's local press.

Barring a few editors and media managers, just about every journalist concurs with Justice Markandey Katju, Chairman of the Press Council of India (PCI), when he points to a media crisis in the state. On 25 February, Justice Katju said: "The information I have gathered about the media in Bihar is not good… the press does not enjoy freedom at present… I have been told that people don't muster the courage to write against the Bihar government or its officials. The Constitution is being violated by such people... You are a government, but you are not above the Constitution."

Enough said.

There is no need to waste ink on establishing Mulayam Singh Yadav's anti-democratic impulses, or those of Mamata Bannerjee whose flagrant violations of press and individual freedom are well-established (If required, read AG Noorani's excellent summary in the Hindu here)

This, of course, leaves us with the big three: Rahul Gandhi, Arvind Kejriwal, and Narendra Modi.

Rahul Gandhi/UPA: Say nothing and carry a big stick

Rahul may not say very much on the subject, but his party's record speaks for itself. The UPA government has made a shameful name for itself by repeatedly and aggressively cracking down on online content it deemed a threat to national unity and integrity or public order, or for being "grossly offensive or menacing in nature," "disparaging," or "otherwise unlawful in any manner whatever."

When Sibal pointed Facebook officials to the computer screen, declaring, "This is unacceptable," he was referring not just to the anti-Sonia page but the sheer presumption it symbolised. It wasn't just about censorship but feudal entitlement, the entrenched privilege of the political class to remain unsullied by the grubby words of the teeming masses, be they lowly journalists or Facebook users. Shinde promise to "crush" all such upstarts is just more of the same.

Over the years, Sonia Gandhi has combined a flagrant disdain for the press -- which allowed to remain fully unaccountable -- with anti-free speech policies. She won't speak to us nor does she want us to speak back. Her son is likely to be exactly the same.

Narendra Modi: Free speech is expendable

As for Narendra Modi, even his most ardent supporters will not pretend he is a man dedicated to basic democratic rights. Where Godhra evokes an impassioned defense, any talk of constitutional rights is most often met with same philosophical rebuff: "We Indians respond to authoritarian leaders." End of debate. Setting aside the overly purple prose, Ruchir Joshi is right to argue that a Modi government will be hugely inimical to any form of free speech:

The man cannot take criticism, questioning, reasonable accusations or lampooning with even an iota of grace or dignity. If he ever becomes prime minister of India, we will have a man of such immovable self-regard that he has never laughed at himself, forget about letting others laugh at him. We will have a man who has always hated being questioned and done his best to snuff out the very impulse of questioning. In this Modi may be far from alone — it's a charge that can be fairly levelled at most of this country's top leaders — but married to all his other shortcomings, it flags up a serious problem for any country aspiring to deepen its democracy. 

So let's be clear. Modi may be great for the growth rate, stock markets etc., but he will do no good for our democracy.

Arvind Kejriwal: Paid media, paid media, paid media

In the company of Modi, Jaya and Rahul, Arvind Kejriwal ought to stand out as a lone beacon of democratic hope. His brief stint in office, however, was sufficient to uncover Kejriwal's anti-media bias, and of a very aam aadmi kind. And it goes something like this: good news is real; bad news is propaganda.

From the very start of his national political career in Jantar Mantar, Kejriwal fully understood the compulsions of the Indian press -- the desire for melodrama, TRPs, and to pander to its middle class audience, and knew exactly how to exploit them to his own ends. But as with mere mortals, sometimes the best laid plans go awry, as they did with his ill-conceived dharna in support of Somnath Bharti's vigilantism. Faced with unflattering media coverage, AAP leaders resorted to lowest and pettiest form of attack. "How much did Modi pay you?" snapped an irate Bharti. Kejriwal doubled down by launching into a similarly shrill attack during the dharna, accusing journalists of being stooges of BJP and Congress. At the recent rally in Rohtak, he was back to making allegations about media ownership, indicating this may well become a staple theme of his campaign.

So the same reporters and outlets who he thanked during the Lokpal campaign, and when he was sworn in as Chief Minister, are now paid lackeys of the corrupt establishment out to get him. There are indeed any problems with the state of the Indian journalism, but undermining the credibility of the press -- at will and when expedient -- is not a hallmark of a democratic leader. In fact, when he strikes the victim pose, Kejriwal sounds no different from BJP or Congress leaders who continually allege a media conspiracy against them or their party. Kejriwal has not gagged publications -- not that you can in 47 days -- but it didn't take very much for him to resort to the cynical anti-press posturing of a typical neta. Sure he's better, but not that much.

Do we expect any of these leaders to usher in a brave new era in free speech? Will any of them seek to strengthen and foster a truly independent fourth estate which is vital to any democracy? I think not. Thomas Jefferson famously said, "The government you elect is the government you deserve." So what does it say about us when not one of our future prime ministers respects free speech or the institution of a free press?


Forget Shinde: Kejriwal, Modi, Rahul don’t want free speech either

"We will crush such elements in the electronic media, which are indulging in false propaganda," declared our zealous Home Minister Sushil Kumar Shinde in a rousing speech to party minions. When the inevitable brouhaha ensued, he backtracked into yet more trouble by claiming we'd missed the "social" in his media comments. It is netizens who will face the rightful wrath of Shinde, not us grimy press club types.

Shinde's clarification though does in fact clarify his position, i.e. he is opposed to free expression irrespective of source. It's a worldview he shares in common with the other card-carrying members of the political class. Quick: Name one leading politician who is committed to the right to free speech… Right! And here's the really bad news: each of the prime ministerial aspirants in 2014 -- minor or major -- has a dismal record on free speech. A look at their history reveals a far grimmer truth than Shinde's misquotes.

Regional despots unite

Our main three PM contenders have a spotty attitude on free speech

Our main three PM contenders have a spotty attitude on free speech

Let's start with Jayalalithaa who squelched an unauthorized biography (also published by Penguin) with greater ease and relatively little attention back in 2012 thanks to a Madras sessions court verdict, which was never challenged.  "Penguin went silent and there has been no direct contact with the publisher after that. More shocking and painful was the silence of the media, English and Tamil, in Tamil Nadu. The matter never crossed the borders of the state: if it did, there was no sign of it," wrote its author Vaasanthi. But such silence is routine in a state notorious for -- as The Economist puts it -- arrests of opponents, censorship, and defamation suits. In fact, Tamil Nadu leaders are far ahead of the likes of Shinde. When the electronic media is flat out owned (Sun, Kalaignar, Jaya) by political parties, its leaders have no need to "crush" it.

The other regional aspirant, Nitish Kumar, fielded as a kinder, gentler rival to Narendra Modi, was dubbed the "editor in chief of Bihar" in an Open magazine article on the unprecedented crackdown on Bihar's local press.

Barring a few editors and media managers, just about every journalist concurs with Justice Markandey Katju, Chairman of the Press Council of India (PCI), when he points to a media crisis in the state. On 25 February, Justice Katju said: "The information I have gathered about the media in Bihar is not good… the press does not enjoy freedom at present… I have been told that people don't muster the courage to write against the Bihar government or its officials. The Constitution is being violated by such people... You are a government, but you are not above the Constitution."

Enough said.

There is no need to waste ink on establishing Mulayam Singh Yadav's anti-democratic impulses, or those of Mamata Bannerjee whose flagrant violations of press and individual freedom are well-established (If required, read AG Noorani's excellent summary in the Hindu here)

This, of course, leaves us with the big three: Rahul Gandhi, Arvind Kejriwal, and Narendra Modi.

Rahul Gandhi/UPA: Say nothing and carry a big stick

Rahul may not say very much on the subject, but his party's record speaks for itself. The UPA government has made a shameful name for itself by repeatedly and aggressively cracking down on online content it deemed a threat to national unity and integrity or public order, or for being "grossly offensive or menacing in nature," "disparaging," or "otherwise unlawful in any manner whatever."

When Sibal pointed Facebook officials to the computer screen, declaring, "This is unacceptable," he was referring not just to the anti-Sonia page but the sheer presumption it symbolised. It wasn't just about censorship but feudal entitlement, the entrenched privilege of the political class to remain unsullied by the grubby words of the teeming masses, be they lowly journalists or Facebook users. Shinde promise to "crush" all such upstarts is just more of the same.

Over the years, Sonia Gandhi has combined a flagrant disdain for the press -- which allowed to remain fully unaccountable -- with anti-free speech policies. She won't speak to us nor does she want us to speak back. Her son is likely to be exactly the same.

Narendra Modi: Free speech is expendable

As for Narendra Modi, even his most ardent supporters will not pretend he is a man dedicated to basic democratic rights. Where Godhra evokes an impassioned defense, any talk of constitutional rights is most often met with same philosophical rebuff: "We Indians respond to authoritarian leaders." End of debate. Setting aside the overly purple prose, Ruchir Joshi is right to argue that a Modi government will be hugely inimical to any form of free speech:

The man cannot take criticism, questioning, reasonable accusations or lampooning with even an iota of grace or dignity. If he ever becomes prime minister of India, we will have a man of such immovable self-regard that he has never laughed at himself, forget about letting others laugh at him. We will have a man who has always hated being questioned and done his best to snuff out the very impulse of questioning. In this Modi may be far from alone — it's a charge that can be fairly levelled at most of this country's top leaders — but married to all his other shortcomings, it flags up a serious problem for any country aspiring to deepen its democracy. 

So let's be clear. Modi may be great for the growth rate, stock markets etc., but he will do no good for our democracy.

Arvind Kejriwal: Paid media, paid media, paid media

In the company of Modi, Jaya and Rahul, Arvind Kejriwal ought to stand out as a lone beacon of democratic hope. His brief stint in office, however, was sufficient to uncover Kejriwal's anti-media bias, and of a very aam aadmi kind. And it goes something like this: good news is real; bad news is propaganda.

From the very start of his national political career in Jantar Mantar, Kejriwal fully understood the compulsions of the Indian press -- the desire for melodrama, TRPs, and to pander to its middle class audience, and knew exactly how to exploit them to his own ends. But as with mere mortals, sometimes the best laid plans go awry, as they did with his ill-conceived dharna in support of Somnath Bharti's vigilantism. Faced with unflattering media coverage, AAP leaders resorted to lowest and pettiest form of attack. "How much did Modi pay you?" snapped an irate Bharti. Kejriwal doubled down by launching into a similarly shrill attack during the dharna, accusing journalists of being stooges of BJP and Congress. At the recent rally in Rohtak, he was back to making allegations about media ownership, indicating this may well become a staple theme of his campaign.

So the same reporters and outlets who he thanked during the Lokpal campaign, and when he was sworn in as Chief Minister, are now paid lackeys of the corrupt establishment out to get him. There are indeed any problems with the state of the Indian journalism, but undermining the credibility of the press -- at will and when expedient -- is not a hallmark of a democratic leader. In fact, when he strikes the victim pose, Kejriwal sounds no different from BJP or Congress leaders who continually allege a media conspiracy against them or their party. Kejriwal has not gagged publications -- not that you can in 47 days -- but it didn't take very much for him to resort to the cynical anti-press posturing of a typical neta. Sure he's better, but not that much.

Do we expect any of these leaders to usher in a brave new era in free speech? Will any of them seek to strengthen and foster a truly independent fourth estate which is vital to any democracy? I think not. Thomas Jefferson famously said, "The government you elect is the government you deserve." So what does it say about us when not one of our future prime ministers respects free speech or the institution of a free press?


Forget Shinde: Modi, Rahul and Kejriwal don’t want free speech either

"We will crush such elements in the electronic media, which are indulging in false propaganda," declared our zealous Home Minister Sushil Kumar Shinde in a rousing speech to party minions. When the inevitable brouhaha ensued, he backtracked into yet more trouble by claiming we'd missed the "social" in his media comments. It is netizens who will face the rightful wrath of Shinde, not us grimy press club types.

Shinde's clarification though does in fact clarify his position, i.e. he is opposed to free expression irrespective of source. It's a worldview he shares in common with the other card-carrying members of the political class. Quick: Name one leading politician who is committed to the right to free speech… Right! And here's the really bad news: each of the prime ministerial aspirants in 2014 -- minor or major -- has a dismal record on free speech. A look at their history reveals a far grimmer truth than Shinde's misquotes.

Regional despots unite

Our main three PM contenders have a spotty attitude on free speech

Our main three PM contenders have a spotty attitude on free speech

Let's start with Jayalalithaa who squelched an unauthorized biography (also published by Penguin) with greater ease and relatively little attention back in 2012 thanks to a Madras sessions court verdict, which was never challenged.  "Penguin went silent and there has been no direct contact with the publisher after that. More shocking and painful was the silence of the media, English and Tamil, in Tamil Nadu. The matter never crossed the borders of the state: if it did, there was no sign of it," wrote its author Vaasanthi. But such silence is routine in a state notorious for -- as The Economist puts it -- arrests of opponents, censorship, and defamation suits. In fact, Tamil Nadu leaders are far ahead of the likes of Shinde. When the electronic media is flat out owned (Sun, Kalaignar, Jaya) by political parties, its leaders have no need to "crush" it.

The other regional aspirant, Nitish Kumar, fielded as a kinder, gentler rival to Narendra Modi, was dubbed the "editor in chief of Bihar" in an Open magazine article on the unprecedented crackdown on Bihar's local press.

Barring a few editors and media managers, just about every journalist concurs with Justice Markandey Katju, Chairman of the Press Council of India (PCI), when he points to a media crisis in the state. On 25 February, Justice Katju said: "The information I have gathered about the media in Bihar is not good… the press does not enjoy freedom at present… I have been told that people don't muster the courage to write against the Bihar government or its officials. The Constitution is being violated by such people... You are a government, but you are not above the Constitution."

Enough said.

There is no need to waste ink on establishing Mulayam Singh Yadav's anti-democratic impulses, or those of Mamata Bannerjee whose flagrant violations of press and individual freedom are well-established (If required, read AG Noorani's excellent summary in the Hindu here)

This, of course, leaves us with the big three: Rahul Gandhi, Arvind Kejriwal, and Narendra Modi.

Rahul Gandhi/UPA: Say nothing and carry a big stick

Rahul may not say very much on the subject, but his party's record speaks for itself. The UPA government has made a shameful name for itself by repeatedly and aggressively cracking down on online content it deemed a threat to national unity and integrity or public order, or for being "grossly offensive or menacing in nature," "disparaging," or "otherwise unlawful in any manner whatever."

When Sibal pointed Facebook officials to the computer screen, declaring, "This is unacceptable," he was referring not just to the anti-Sonia page but the sheer presumption it symbolised. It wasn't just about censorship but feudal entitlement, the entrenched privilege of the political class to remain unsullied by the grubby words of the teeming masses, be they lowly journalists or Facebook users. Shinde promise to "crush" all such upstarts is just more of the same.

Over the years, Sonia Gandhi has combined a flagrant disdain for the press -- which allowed to remain fully unaccountable -- with anti-free speech policies. She won't speak to us nor does she want us to speak back. Her son is likely to be exactly the same.

Narendra Modi: Free speech is expendable

As for Narendra Modi, even his most ardent supporters will not pretend he is a man dedicated to basic democratic rights. Where Godhra evokes an impassioned defense, any talk of constitutional rights is most often met with same philosophical rebuff: "We Indians respond to authoritarian leaders." End of debate. Setting aside the overly purple prose, Ruchir Joshi is right to argue that a Modi government will be hugely inimical to any form of free speech:

The man cannot take criticism, questioning, reasonable accusations or lampooning with even an iota of grace or dignity. If he ever becomes prime minister of India, we will have a man of such immovable self-regard that he has never laughed at himself, forget about letting others laugh at him. We will have a man who has always hated being questioned and done his best to snuff out the very impulse of questioning. In this Modi may be far from alone — it's a charge that can be fairly levelled at most of this country's top leaders — but married to all his other shortcomings, it flags up a serious problem for any country aspiring to deepen its democracy. 

So let's be clear. Modi may be great for the growth rate, stock markets etc., but he will do no good for our democracy.

Arvind Kejriwal: Paid media, paid media, paid media

In the company of Modi, Jaya and Rahul, Arvind Kejriwal ought to stand out as a lone beacon of democratic hope. His brief stint in office, however, was sufficient to uncover Kejriwal's anti-media bias, and of a very aam aadmi kind. And it goes something like this: good news is real; bad news is propaganda.

From the very start of his national political career in Jantar Mantar, Kejriwal fully understood the compulsions of the Indian press -- the desire for melodrama, TRPs, and to pander to its middle class audience, and knew exactly how to exploit them to his own ends. But as with mere mortals, sometimes the best laid plans go awry, as they did with his ill-conceived dharna in support of Somnath Bharti's vigilantism. Faced with unflattering media coverage, AAP leaders resorted to lowest and pettiest form of attack. "How much did Modi pay you?" snapped an irate Bharti. Kejriwal doubled down by launching into a similarly shrill attack during the dharna, accusing journalists of being stooges of BJP and Congress. At the recent rally in Rohtak, he was back to making allegations about media ownership, indicating this may well become a staple theme of his campaign.

So the same reporters and outlets who he thanked during the Lokpal campaign, and when he was sworn in as Chief Minister, are now paid lackeys of the corrupt establishment out to get him. There are indeed any problems with the state of the Indian journalism, but undermining the credibility of the press -- at will and when expedient -- is not a hallmark of a democratic leader. In fact, when he strikes the victim pose, Kejriwal sounds no different from BJP or Congress leaders who continually allege a media conspiracy against them or their party. Kejriwal has not gagged publications -- not that you can in 47 days -- but it didn't take very much for him to resort to the cynical anti-press posturing of a typical neta. Sure he's better, but not that much.

Do we expect any of these leaders to usher in a brave new era in free speech? Will any of them seek to strengthen and foster a truly independent fourth estate which is vital to any democracy? I think not. Thomas Jefferson famously said, "The government you elect is the government you deserve." So what does it say about us when not one of our future prime ministers respects free speech or the institution of a free press?


Despite 12-hour bandh, Rahul Gandhi continues Assam visit

Guwahati: Sporadic incidents of violence were on Tuesday reported during a 12-hour Guwahati bandh called to protest the death of a farmer activist, with those enforcing the bandh trying to prevent Congress supporters from reaching the venue of Rahul Gandhi's rally in Guwahati.

Congress Vice President Rahul Gandhi.

Congress Vice President Rahul Gandhi.

Krishak Mukti Sangram Samiti (KMSS) supporters put up road blockades and pelted stones at vehicles carrying Congress supporters to Assam Veterinary College grounds at Khanapara where Gandhi is scheduled to address a rally later in the day, officials said.

The bandh supporters also set ablaze a truck at Jorabat and burnt tyres on major thoroughfares.

The bandh has been called in protest against the death of KMSS supporter Pranab Boro, who died after setting himself ablaze in front of the state secretariat on Monday demanding land deeds for people living on the hills.

The Congress vice president arrived at the Lokopriyo Gopinath Bordoloi International Airport where he was received by Chief Minister Tarun Gogoi, Assam Pradesh Congress President Bhubaneswar Kalita and other senior party leaders.

He went by a helicopter to Diphu in the hill district of Karbi Anglong where he interacted with representatives of the Autonomous Council.

Meanwhile, a 48-hour Assam Bandh called by the Adivasi National Convention, a joint forum of 26 Adivasi groups, protesting against alleged exploitation of the adivasis by the Congress, has also affected normal life in several parts of the states.

Protests by Tai Ahom Yuva Parishad and a faction of the All Koch Rajbongshi Students Union have also been reported from upper and lower Assam against Monday's incident and alleged neglect towards the indigenous people of the state by the Congress.

PTI


Why Jaya’s first mover advantage brightens her Delhi prospects

Ever since she came back to power in the state in 2011, Tamil Nadu chief minister J Jayalalithaa has been very clear that she wants her party to win all the seats in the state and Pondicherry and be a force to reckon with at the centre. Although she hadn't specifically spelt out if it meant a role for her as the Prime Minister, her supporters - including senior leaders and ministers - kept the "Jaya for PM" chorus going.

On her 66th birthday on Monday, the chorus had more explicit details.

The Chief Minister's decision comes a  day after the SC judgement on three convicts. Reuters

J Jayalalithaa. Reuters

The massive cake that her party workers arranged at the AIADMK office in the city is perhaps the harbinger of things to come, and possibly the first visible sign of Jaya's Prime Ministerial ambitions: the cake was modelled on the Parliament building. The same Parliament building was also prominent in newspaper advertisements, wall-posters, banners and the party workers' slogans.

The celebrations in the city and elsewhere were extravagant. In comparison, last year Jaya had advised her party workers not to do anything big. This time, there was absolutely no way that it could have been a small affair because, other than a number of announcements that targeted both the people and state's economy, the birthday was an occasion to kickstart the party's Parliamentary election campaign.

Beneath the big infrastructure and industrial projects, pro-poor announcements and the Parliament-shaped birthday cake, the real message was that the AIADMK is very serious about making it big in the Lok Sabha elections and Jaya assuming the role of the prime minister. Neither the party (officially) nor Jaya personally has mentioned the PM-word, but everybody else in the party has said it. Moreover, the signs are too obvious to overlook.

So, her 66th birthday was the headstart for both Jaya and the party. While the principal opposition parties such as the DMK, Congress, DMK and BJP are still struggling to court suitable allies, Jaya announced her list of candidates for all the seats, including the ones that might go to her allies CPM and CPI. In a week, the party will begin its campaign.

Jaya's list of candidates is also interesting - only three of the nine sitting MPS have been allowed to contest again. All the others are new faces and they have been selected on the basis of their winnability. Fifteen of them are lawyers and four doctors; and four of them are women.

This is a remarkable advantage because the opposition parties are far from finalising their list. Without a sense of the seats that will go to the allies, it's hard to draw up a list. In contrast, Jaya's list not only allows her candidates and party workers to begin the campaign, but it also puts pressure on the CPM and the CPI to settle for whatever is being negotiated with the AIADMK.

It's also an indication that the left parties will not get the same number of seats - three each - that they had been given last time. This time, they will have to be satisfied with two each. The AIADMK candidates will be withdrawn once the constituencies for the CPM and the CPI are finalised.

Jaya's first mover advantage will be in action within a week because along with the list of candidates, the first leg of her campaign schedule is also ready. She will begin her month-long roadshow on 3 March in Kanchipuram. Jaya had followed a similar strategy in the Assembly elections as well when she had moved first with her list of candidates.

Jaya's early move will be further strengthened by a lack of any anti-incumbency sentiment, the popularity of a string of successful social welfare measures and large-scale infrastructure and industrial investments including the the second phase of the Metro (Rs 36,000 crore) and MoUs with industrial majors (reportedly 33 MoUs at Rs 31,706 crore). The possibility of her deciding who forms the next government in Delhi will be an added advantage. In fact, she begins with tremendous incumbent advantage.

In contrast, the opposition has a long way to go. The biggest stumbling block is getting appropriate allies. Going by the current state of affairs, even if they manage to get together as two or three formations, they won't be cohesive enough because the processes had not been natural. More over, by the time they come together, Jaya would have already stolen the march by a mile. It certainly looks Advantage Jaya. She knows it and has begun early to capture as much ground as possible.

Will we see her as the Prime Minister? Compared to last year, the prospects look certainly brighter because there are unmissable signs. One thing is certain - post elections, she will play a big role, maybe even call the shots.


Lok Sabha 2014: Jayalalithaa releases AIADMK manifesto

Chennai: AIADMK general secretary and Tamil Nadu Chief Minister J Jayalalithaa on Tuesday released the party's manifesto for the general elections. "We have spelt out many policies and promises to implement many schemes and aims not only for the development of Tamil Nadu but also for the progess of the entire nation," she told reporters.

Jayalalithaa said she would discuss at a later date about the manifesto as it would take the media personnel quite some time to go through it.

Jayalalithaa releasing the manifesto. Firstpost

Jayalalithaa releasing the manifesto. Firstpost

On Monday, Jayalalithaa released the party's candidates for the 39 Lok Sabha seats in Tamil Nadu and the lone Puducherry seat. She said some of them would be withdrawn once the seat sharing agreement is reached with the two left parties.

She said talks are on with the left parties and she is satisfied with the two allies to fight the elections.

IANS


Forget Shinde: All PM aspirants want to ‘crush’ free speech

"We will crush such elements in the electronic media, which are indulging in false propaganda," declared our zealous Home Minister Sushil Kumar Shinde in a rousing speech to party minions. When the inevitable brouhaha ensued, he backtracked into yet more trouble by claiming we'd missed the "social" in his media comments. It is netizens who will face the rightful wrath of Shinde, not us grimy press club types.

Shinde's clarification though does in fact clarify his position, i.e. he is opposed to free expression irrespective of source. It's a worldview he shares in common with the other card-carrying members of the political class. Quick: Name one leading politician who is committed to the right to free speech… Right! And here's the really bad news: each of the prime ministerial aspirants in 2014 -- minor or major -- has a dismal record on free speech. A look at their history reveals a far grimmer truth than Shinde's misquotes.

Regional despots unite

Our main three PM contenders have a spotty attitude on free speech

Our main three PM contenders have a spotty attitude on free speech

Let's start with Jayalalithaa who squelched an unauthorized biography (also published by Penguin) with greater ease and relatively little attention back in 2012 thanks to a Madras sessions court verdict, which was never challenged.  "Penguin went silent and there has been no direct contact with the publisher after that. More shocking and painful was the silence of the media, English and Tamil, in Tamil Nadu. The matter never crossed the borders of the state: if it did, there was no sign of it," wrote its author Vaasanthi. But such silence is routine in a state notorious for -- as The Economist puts it -- arrests of opponents, censorship, and defamation suits. In fact, Tamil Nadu leaders are far ahead of the likes of Shinde. When the electronic media is flat out owned (Sun, Kalaignar, Jaya) by political parties, its leaders have no need to "crush" it.

The other regional aspirant, Nitish Kumar, fielded as a kinder, gentler rival to Narendra Modi, was dubbed the "editor in chief of Bihar" in an Open magazine article on the unprecedented crackdown on Bihar's local press.

Barring a few editors and media managers, just about every journalist concurs with Justice Markandey Katju, Chairman of the Press Council of India (PCI), when he points to a media crisis in the state. On 25 February, Justice Katju said: "The information I have gathered about the media in Bihar is not good… the press does not enjoy freedom at present… I have been told that people don't muster the courage to write against the Bihar government or its officials. The Constitution is being violated by such people... You are a government, but you are not above the Constitution."

Enough said.

There is no need to waste ink on establishing Mulayam Singh Yadav's anti-democratic impulses, or those of Mamata Bannerjee whose flagrant violations of press and individual freedom are well-established (If required, read AG Noorani's excellent summary in the Hindu here)

This, of course, leaves us with the big three: Rahul Gandhi, Arvind Kejriwal, and Narendra Modi.

Rahul Gandhi/UPA: Say nothing and carry a big stick

Rahul may not say very much on the subject, but his party's record speaks for itself. The UPA government has made a shameful name for itself by repeatedly and aggressively cracking down on online content it deemed a threat to national unity and integrity or public order, or for being "grossly offensive or menacing in nature," "disparaging," or "otherwise unlawful in any manner whatever."

When Sibal pointed Facebook officials to the computer screen, declaring, "This is unacceptable," he was referring not just to the anti-Sonia page but the sheer presumption it symbolised. It wasn't just about censorship but feudal entitlement, the entrenched privilege of the political class to remain unsullied by the grubby words of the teeming masses, be they lowly journalists or Facebook users. Shinde promise to "crush" all such upstarts is just more of the same.

Over the years, Sonia Gandhi has combined a flagrant disdain for the press -- which allowed to remain fully unaccountable -- with anti-free speech policies. She won't speak to us nor does she want us to speak back. Her son is likely to be exactly the same.

Narendra Modi: Free speech is expendable

As for Narendra Modi, even his most ardent supporters will not pretend he is a man dedicated to basic democratic rights. Where Godhra evokes an impassioned defense, any talk of constitutional rights is most often met with same philosophical rebuff: "We Indians respond to authoritarian leaders." End of debate. Setting aside the overly purple prose, Ruchir Joshi is right to argue that a Modi government will be hugely inimical to any form of free speech:

The man cannot take criticism, questioning, reasonable accusations or lampooning with even an iota of grace or dignity. If he ever becomes prime minister of India, we will have a man of such immovable self-regard that he has never laughed at himself, forget about letting others laugh at him. We will have a man who has always hated being questioned and done his best to snuff out the very impulse of questioning. In this Modi may be far from alone — it's a charge that can be fairly levelled at most of this country's top leaders — but married to all his other shortcomings, it flags up a serious problem for any country aspiring to deepen its democracy. 

So let's be clear. Modi may be great for the growth rate, stock markets etc., but he will do no good for our democracy.

Arvind Kejriwal: Paid media, paid media, paid media

In the company of Modi, Jaya and Rahul, Arvind Kejriwal ought to stand out as a lone beacon of democratic hope. His brief stint in office, however, was sufficient to uncover Kejriwal's anti-media bias, and of a very aam aadmi kind. And it goes something like this: good news is real; bad news is propaganda.

From the very start of his national political career in Jantar Mantar, Kejriwal fully understood the compulsions of the Indian press -- the desire for melodrama, TRPs, and to pander to its middle class audience, and knew exactly how to exploit them to his own ends. But as with mere mortals, sometimes the best laid plans go awry, as they did with his ill-conceived dharna in support of Somnath Bharti's vigilantism. Faced with unflattering media coverage, AAP leaders resorted to lowest and pettiest form of attack. "How much did Modi pay you?" snapped an irate Bharti. Kejriwal doubled down by launching into a similarly shrill attack during the dharna, accusing journalists of being stooges of BJP and Congress. At the recent rally in Rohtak, he was back to making allegations about media ownership, indicating this may well become a staple theme of his campaign.

So the same reporters and outlets who he thanked during the Lokpal campaign, and when he was sworn in as Chief Minister, are now paid lackeys of the corrupt establishment out to get him. There are indeed any problems with the state of the Indian journalism, but undermining the credibility of the press -- at will and when expedient -- is not a hallmark of a democratic leader. In fact, when he strikes the victim pose, Kejriwal sounds no different from BJP or Congress leaders who continually allege a media conspiracy against them or their party. Kejriwal has not gagged publications -- not that you can in 47 days -- but it didn't take very much for him to resort to the cynical anti-press posturing of a typical neta. Sure he's better, but not that much.

Do we expect any of these leaders to usher in a brave new era in free speech? Will any of them seek to strengthen and foster a truly independent fourth estate which is vital to any democracy? I think not. Thomas Jefferson famously said, "The government you elect is the government you deserve." So what does it say about us when not one of our future prime ministers respects free speech or the institution of a free press?


Fix final date for Telangana formation at the earliest: KC Rao tells PM

New Delhi: TRS chief K Chandrasekhara Rao on Tuesday met Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, seeking an early creation of Telangana state.

K Chandrashekhar Rao. PTI

K Chandrashekhar Rao. PTI

The TRS leader thanked the prime minister for his support in passing the Telangana bill in parliament and urged him to ensure that the appointed day or formation day of the new state is fixed at the earliest.

The MP, who was accompanied by other TRS leaders, also submitted a memorandum, demanding some sops for the accelerated development of the new state.

KCR, as Rao is popularly called, sought setting up an Indian Institute of Management and a branch of All India Institute of Medical Sciences in Telangana. He also sought special category status for the region.

TRS chief demanded that Pranahita-Chevella irrigation project should be declared a national project. He also wanted the Centre to allocate additional electricity from central pool to Telangana for at least three years. KCR also sought adequate gas allocation for gas-based electricity projects in the region.

As the bill passed by parliament last week is still awaiting President Pranab Mukherjee's assent, KCR met him on Monday, seeking his early nod.

KCR had called on Congress President Sonia Gandhi on Sunday to thank her for passage of the Telangana bill.

IANS


Worse than Shinde: All PM aspirants want to ‘crush’ free speech

"We will crush such elements in the electronic media, which are indulging in false propaganda," declared our zealous Home Minister Sushil Kumar Shinde in a rousing speech to party minions. When the inevitable brouhaha ensued, he backtracked into yet more trouble by claiming we'd missed the "social" in his media comments. It is netizens who will face the rightful wrath of Shinde, not us grimy press club types.

Shinde's clarification though does in fact clarify his position, i.e. he is opposed to free expression irrespective of source. It's a worldview he shares in common with the other card-carrying members of the political class. Quick: Name one leading politician who is committed to the right to free speech… Right! And here's the really bad news: each of the prime ministerial aspirants in 2014 -- minor or major -- has a dismal record on free speech. A look at their history reveals a far grimmer truth than Shinde's misquotes.

Regional despots unite

Our main three PM contenders have a spotty attitude on free speech

Our main three PM contenders have a spotty attitude on free speech

Let's start with Jayalalithaa who squelched an unauthorized biography (also published by Penguin) with greater ease and relatively little attention back in 2012 thanks to a Madras sessions court verdict, which was never challenged.  "Penguin went silent and there has been no direct contact with the publisher after that. More shocking and painful was the silence of the media, English and Tamil, in Tamil Nadu. The matter never crossed the borders of the state: if it did, there was no sign of it," wrote its author Vaasanthi. But such silence is routine in a state notorious for -- as The Economist puts it -- arrests of opponents, censorship, and defamation suits. In fact, Tamil Nadu leaders are far ahead of the likes of Shinde. When the electronic media is flat out owned (Sun, Kalaignar, Jaya) by political parties, its leaders have no need to "crush" it.

The other regional aspirant, Nitish Kumar, fielded as a kinder, gentler rival to Narendra Modi, was dubbed the "editor in chief of Bihar" in an Open magazine article on the unprecedented crackdown on Bihar's local press.

Barring a few editors and media managers, just about every journalist concurs with Justice Markandey Katju, Chairman of the Press Council of India (PCI), when he points to a media crisis in the state. On 25 February, Justice Katju said: "The information I have gathered about the media in Bihar is not good… the press does not enjoy freedom at present… I have been told that people don't muster the courage to write against the Bihar government or its officials. The Constitution is being violated by such people... You are a government, but you are not above the Constitution."

Enough said.

There is no need to waste ink on establishing Mulayam Singh Yadav's anti-democratic impulses, or those of Mamata Bannerjee whose flagrant violations of press and individual freedom are well-established (If required, read AG Noorani's excellent summary in the Hindu here)

This, of course, leaves us with the big three: Rahul Gandhi, Arvind Kejriwal, and Narendra Modi.

Rahul Gandhi/UPA: Say nothing and carry a big stick

Rahul may not say very much on the subject, but his party's record speaks for itself. The UPA government has made a shameful name for itself by repeatedly and aggressively cracking down on online content it deemed a threat to national unity and integrity or public order, or for being "grossly offensive or menacing in nature," "disparaging," or "otherwise unlawful in any manner whatever."

When Sibal pointed Facebook officials to the computer screen, declaring, "This is unacceptable," he was referring not just to the anti-Sonia page but the sheer presumption it symbolised. It wasn't just about censorship but feudal entitlement, the entrenched privilege of the political class to remain unsullied by the grubby words of the teeming masses, be they lowly journalists or Facebook users. Shinde promise to "crush" all such upstarts is just more of the same.

Over the years, Sonia Gandhi has combined a flagrant disdain for the press -- which allowed to remain fully unaccountable -- with anti-free speech policies. She won't speak to us nor does she want us to speak back. Her son is likely to be exactly the same.

Narendra Modi: Free speech is expendable

As for Narendra Modi, even his most ardent supporters will not pretend he is a man dedicated to basic democratic rights. Where Godhra evokes an impassioned defense, any talk of constitutional rights is most often met with same philosophical rebuff: "We Indians respond to authoritarian leaders." End of debate. Setting aside the overly purple prose, Ruchir Joshi is right to argue that a Modi government will be hugely inimical to any form of free speech:

The man cannot take criticism, questioning, reasonable accusations or lampooning with even an iota of grace or dignity. If he ever becomes prime minister of India, we will have a man of such immovable self-regard that he has never laughed at himself, forget about letting others laugh at him. We will have a man who has always hated being questioned and done his best to snuff out the very impulse of questioning. In this Modi may be far from alone — it's a charge that can be fairly levelled at most of this country's top leaders — but married to all his other shortcomings, it flags up a serious problem for any country aspiring to deepen its democracy. 

So let's be clear. Modi may be great for the growth rate, stock markets etc., but he will do no good for our democracy.

Arvind Kejriwal: Paid media, paid media, paid media

In the company of Modi, Jaya and Rahul, Arvind Kejriwal ought to stand out as a lone beacon of democratic hope. His brief stint in office, however, was sufficient to uncover Kejriwal's anti-media bias, and of a very aam aadmi kind. And it goes something like this: good news is real; bad news is propaganda.

From the very start of his national political career in Jantar Mantar, Kejriwal fully understood the compulsions of the Indian press -- the desire for melodrama, TRPs, and to pander to its middle class audience, and knew exactly how to exploit them to his own ends. But as with mere mortals, sometimes the best laid plans go awry, as they did with his ill-conceived dharna in support of Somnath Bharti's vigilantism. Faced with unflattering media coverage, AAP leaders resorted to lowest and pettiest form of attack. "How much did Modi pay you?" snapped an irate Bharti. Kejriwal doubled down by launching into a similarly shrill attack during the dharna, accusing journalists of being stooges of BJP and Congress. At the recent rally in Rohtak, he was back to making allegations about media ownership, indicating this may well become a staple theme of his campaign.

So the same reporters and outlets who he thanked during the Lokpal campaign, and when he was sworn in as Chief Minister, are now paid lackeys of the corrupt establishment out to get him. There are indeed any problems with the state of the Indian journalism, but undermining the credibility of the press -- at will and when expedient -- is not a hallmark of a democratic leader. In fact, when he strikes the victim pose, Kejriwal sounds no different from BJP or Congress leaders who continually allege a media conspiracy against them or their party. Kejriwal has not gagged publications -- not that you can in 47 days -- but it didn't take very much for him to resort to the cynical anti-press posturing of a typical neta. Sure he's better, but not that much.

Do we expect any of these leaders to usher in a brave new era in free speech? Will any of them seek to strengthen and foster a truly independent fourth estate which is vital to any democracy? I think not. Thomas Jefferson famously said, "The government you elect is the government you deserve." So what does it say about us when not one of our future prime ministers respects free speech or the institution of a free press?


Furious Lalu blames Nitish for rebellion, JD(U) says everyone’s welcome

A day after 13 of his 22 MLAs pledged their support to Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar, a furious RJD Chief Lalu Prasad on Tuesday said the JD(U) leader was behind the poaching of his MLAs and the Speaker, too, was involved.

RJD Chief Lalu Prasad. PTI

RJD Chief Lalu Prasad. PTI

Speaking to reporters ahead of an emergency meeting called to do a headcount of his MLAs, Prasad sought to compare what Nitish was doing to America's 'Watergate scandal'. Nine of the thirteen MLAs are likely to attend.

"Jo Nitish ne kiya hai, woh America ka 'Watergate' ki tarah hai," Lalu said, further alleging that the Bihar Speaker was also involved in the 'conspiracy'. "Bihar Assembly Speaker misrepresented facts to break RJD... Both JD(U) and BJP are involved in this."

The RJD MLAs who on Monday walked out were Samrat Chaudhary, Raghvendra Pratap Singh, Durga Prasad Singh, Lalit Yadav, Anirudh Kumar, Jeetendra Rai, Akhtar-ul-Islam Sahin, Akhtar-ul-Iman, Abdul Gafood, Faiyazz, Javed Iqbal Ansari, Ram Lakhan Ram Raman and Chandrasekhar.

But soon after news of the resignations emerged, six of the 13 MLAs turned up at Prasad's door saying their signatures had been forged and they had no intentions of quitting the party. Three more are expected to 'return' to the party.

Samrat Chaudhary, the son of senior RJD leader Shakuni Chaudhary, had alleged on Monday that Prasad had turned his party into the 'B team' of Congress in the last three months.

"The party which sent him to jail by tearing up an ordinance has become the ideal of Lalu Prasad who is losing no opportunity to pester its leaders," Chaudhary told reporters.

"It will be better for Lalu Prasad to merge the party with Congress instead of allying with it for the Lok Sabha elections."


Rebellion, a Nitish conspiracy, says furious Lalu Prasad

A day after 13 of his 22 MLAs pledged their support to Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar, a furious RJD Chief Lalu Prasad on Tuesday said the JD(U) leader was behind the poaching of his MLAs and the Speaker, too, was involved.

RJD Chief Lalu Prasad. PTI

RJD Chief Lalu Prasad. PTI

Speaking to reporters ahead of an emergency meeting called to do a headcount of his MLAs, Prasad sought to compare what Nitish was doing to America's 'Watergate scandal'. Nine of the thirteen MLAs are likely to attend.

"Jo Nitish ne kiya hai, woh America ka 'Watergate' ki tarah hai," Lalu said, further alleging that the Bihar Speaker was also involved in the 'conspiracy'. "Bihar Assembly Speaker misrepresented facts to break RJD... Both JD(U) and BJP are involved in this."

The RJD MLAs who on Monday walked out were Samrat Chaudhary, Raghvendra Pratap Singh, Durga Prasad Singh, Lalit Yadav, Anirudh Kumar, Jeetendra Rai, Akhtar-ul-Islam Sahin, Akhtar-ul-Iman, Abdul Gafood, Faiyazz, Javed Iqbal Ansari, Ram Lakhan Ram Raman and Chandrasekhar.

But soon after news of the resignations emerged, six of the 13 MLAs turned up at Prasad's door saying their signatures had been forged and they had no intentions of quitting the party. Three more are expected to 'return' to the party.

Samrat Chaudhary, the son of senior RJD leader Shakuni Chaudhary, had alleged on Monday that Prasad had turned his party into the 'B team' of Congress in the last three months.

"The party which sent him to jail by tearing up an ordinance has become the ideal of Lalu Prasad who is losing no opportunity to pester its leaders," Chaudhary told reporters.

"It will be better for Lalu Prasad to merge the party with Congress instead of allying with it for the Lok Sabha elections."


Are Kejriwal and Bhushan on the same page on business policy?

Is Arvind Kejriwal's view on business different from the Prashant Bhushan's view on it? On the face of it, it seems the two top leaders of the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) are not on the same page.

In an interview to Business Standard, AAP leader Prashant Bhushan says that in areas of food, education and health, government needs to be there as the poor may not be able to afford it at market price.

In his address to the Confederation of Indian Industry the other day, Kejriwal said: "Government has no business in business. Government should not do business. All this should be left to the private sector."

But hear what Prashant Bhushan had to say on this to BS: "Water and electricity distribution are not meant to be businesses. Though these are utilities, which are supposed to be run in public interest and are monopolies, they have been turned into businesses of a very corrupt kind where you have a private monopoly created which can extort anything from the people and the people have no choice," he said.

AAP leader Prashant Bhushan.  PTI

AAP leader Prashant Bhushan. PTI

Bhushan says that the party is not against the public-private partnership (PPP) model, but against private monopolies in the guise of PPP. "I am against this loot of public resources and creation of private monopoly in the guise of PPP," he told BS.

During the start of AAP's campaign last year, Bhushan had blamed privatisation of electricity distribution in Delhi for the rampant corruption and thus the high prices. "After this privatisation of electricity distribution in Delhi and the creation of private monopolies in the guise of public private partnerships (PPPs)… this whole model is functioning in a manner where there are frauds, fabrications, forgeries at multiple levels which have the effect of cheating their consumers to the extent of half of the electricity bills they are paying."

But clearly there is some difference between what Arvind Kejriwal and Bhushan think.

In an address to the CII, Kejriwal said that some sectors need to be privatised. "But we cannot allow monopolies. That breeds corruption," he explained. The question is: if private monopolies are bad, are public monopolies good?

While Bhushan believes that that electricity distribution should be with the public sector, Kejriwal had said in his CII conference that the AAP in not against privatisation of power companies. "But we need to evolve the right model," he had said.

Bhushan says he is unsure whether a right model can be developed.

Bhushan also said that be it education, cricket, or airports--government presence is necessary. He said that such sectors should not be turned into a business for profit making.

The AAP leader said that BCCI needs to be regulated as  it's a body which is "utilising government facilities like cricket stadia which are on land owned by the government." Bhushan also believes that airports should be nationalised. "If you leave it to one private firm, they can extort any amount of money they want from the airlines," he said.

Read Bhushan's interview to Business Standard here.