Jaipur: Rahul Gandhi has vowed to learn from the success of Arvind Kejriwal's party. But he needn't breach the political divide. Rahul just needs to look at the flawed model that led to his father's downfall in the late 80s. For, Rahul appears to be making most of the mistakes his father made in the early years of his career.
Since Rahul has not held a position of responsibility, his performance with Rajiv as an administrator can't be compared. But their political trajectories converge at many points.
Congress vice president Rahul Gandhi. PTI
Rahul has his father's flaws as a public speaker, an identical coterie of advisors and is considered equally naïve and inept for Indian politics. The only difference is that Rajiv had started his career with a lot of hope; and people seemed to have lost all hope in Rahul even before he has begun. It is not mere coincidence that Rahul too has become famous as Pappu, a moniker firebrand speaker Ritambhara had bestowed on Rajiv at the peak of the Ayodhya agitation.
Rahul has been subjected to unprecedented derision and ridicule after his first interview on TV. His plight is a tragic reminder of the scorn that was heaped on Rajiv everytime he appeared on Doordarshan in the late 80s. Rajiv, old-timers would remember, was panned by both public and press for his monopolizing Doordarshan prime time during the latter part of his tenure (1984-89) with his trite, banal speeches and monologues.
The problem with Rajiv then was his fascination for dull platitudes about his concerns and future plans he rolled out with irritating regularity. His style during those days was summed up by the immortal line Hume Dekhna Hai, Hum Dekhenge that became a subject of mirth among everyone. Rajiv too was famous also for his public bouts of revulsion against the existing system, (remember his famous speech against power brokers or the statement that 85 percent money meant for development never reached the masses); and reminding people of the 'sacrifices made by Indiraji.'
Like his father, Rahul too seems to be fond of these themes. His speeches, and his maiden interview, so far have suffered from the Hum-Dekhenge syndrome, manifest in his litany of clichés on what he plans to do with the Congress and the nation without the slightest evidence of a convincing track record, shades of faux rebellion against the existing system and his constant references to the sacrifices made by his ancestors.
We all know Rahul has had no experience of an aam aadmi's life. It can be safely presumed that Rahul has had limited, even negligible, opportunities to interact with people who did not have a vested interest in him. His interlocutors, his companions must have been either security guards or obsequious politicians eager to please him for their own benefit. They must have told him what he wanted to hear, applauded when he should have been jeered and remained acquiescent when Rahul's words should have been debated or debunked. Since his experience of ordinary, daily life is insignificant, Rahul's thoughts are largely based on what he has learnt sitting at home or in his office with the help of his friends and advisers.
The problem with living on borrowed wisdom is that unless you put it to test in the rough and tumble of real life, it remains just a theoretical concept. Rahul's public appearances have proved that his untested, vague thoughts and scrounged ideas can't stand even the politest of cross examination. In spite of his shortcomings, Rahul could have evolved into a wise, seasoned politician if he had chosen his advisors well. But, on the basis of evidence at hand, he is relying on cronies, again like his father. Like his father who trusted his Doon School brigade, Rahul too has preferred loyalty, royalty and pedigree over experience and political maturity.
His Man Friday and political aide Kanishka Singh, son of former Rajasthan governor and career diplomat SK Singh, has no experience of electoral politics. Rahul's other close lieutenant are Bhanwar Jitendra Singh, Jyotiraditya Scindia, Sachin Pilot, Sandeep Dikshit and Randeep Hooda. All of them are either from royal families or heirs to political dynasties. Replace them with the likes of Arun Singh, Amitabh Bachchan, Arun Nehru and the other Doon School pals and Rahul's kitchen cabinet resembles that of his father's in the early 80s.
Not one member of Rahul's Babalog Brigade, like his father's, struggled his way up the political ladder. Success had come easy to all of them, and they too, like Rahul, have had limited exposure to the aam aadmi's life. Some of them may have sharp brains, but when it comes to experience gained from the grind of life, they can't stake claim to a lot. Rahul's thinktank, which should have ideally comprised people from different backgrounds, is almost similar to him in both upbringing and inexperience. No wonder, Rahul sounds naïve, impractical and theoretical.
Rajiv too had many disadvantages. In comparison with Rahul, who has been around for more than a decade, Rajiv had just three years of political experience before the prime minister's job was thrust upon him. He didn't have the benefit of learning on the job from an experienced mother. And he was betrayed by most of the men he trusted. But after the setback in 89, he had started showing signs of political maturity.
Rahul could have turned his biggest flaw—the tag of being a beneficiary of dynastic politics—into an advantage by learning from the travails and triumphs of his predecessors. That he hasn't so far only adds to his tragedy.
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